Haulae haulae, softly thu kadham barda take a step meri jaan toward me beloved God, ethna bhi youun na dar therae, do not be afraid i am here with you sang mae haan chaltha rahoon, a partner and should you accept me, a companion for life my God. Jab thalak hai bani mujhae mae meri jaan, when you and I are separated my love mushkil hai suna safar yae bada, I understand this is because of the journey that was very difficult bar sang mae therae merae hai khuda, yet on the other side of life, death, we will find each other again, I will see you again my God. Sapna saja hai kal kissnae dekha, the dream of your gloriness is far away phir sae naya chal meri jaan, yet when revealed it is understood as life. Chal meri jaan, sochae bina, chal maeri jaan, foolishly let us begin and end this contract called life. Jag tho hai bada zulmi ieza, the world after all is too big to comprehend even for us eiski na suun yae hai kisi ka bina thus, do not listen to it call thora yakeen tho rukh merae humnava, you too can use the same discretion Love. Khud pae zara lafzo sae thu kar, Use this knowledge to free me, a lowly and unknowing human being from the world of bondage. Khushi ko baya jo bhi sanam, the happiness that was stolen from us will be returned I am certain as this is our story, God. Bhul ja jalkae basa, Together we can forget the incomprehensible world ever existed lae hum kahin apna jahan, so that we may chart out a path for ourselves chal meri jaan, come take me with you, God. Ho pal jo bhi humnae gavaayae, every second that I lost being without you aaa unka har jana bharkae complete it by bringing that knowledge home aanae valae palko manayae, or how else can I care for the second that is almost here. Aur unko dukh bana kae huum jeelae, as such let us make grief our happiness har khushi ko hum jeelae sufilae, and live out our lives like the saintly sufi, aae kae thujhae chal meri jaan, once and for all. I will then have also captured you. Dukhna bana har khushi sufilae, I promise a different life for you, a better one, one that a sufi saint would approve of. Ek thujhae kae aaaa chal meri jaan, therefore sochae bina, foolishly haulae haulae and softly, so softly thu kadham bada, take a step toward me meri jaan beloved, eithna bhi youun na dar therae sang, now that as man I am close to you once more. Mae haan chaltha rahoon jab thalak hai bani mujhae mae, this warring life that never sought peace came from hate. Therefore, I entreat you for a divorce and so that we can build a better life together today, O God.
Baech bhavar mae dolena, in the midst of nectar I wander about, aar rahi na paar gayi, not knowing which path is correct kuuch isqh ki maudaunae duubi, drunk I have fallen kuuch hijr kiya, and through faith I have risen, divar gaayi until I reach your sight, Wall. Thuum jaanae nahi yae dardh maera ya jaanae kae bhi anjaanae ho, you do not understand this hurt of mine or otherwise pretend you do not aek pall yae lagae apnae ho thuum, in this moment you and I became one, aek pall yae laage beganae ho, and in another moment you are someone I do not know. Dhildar yae paheli thuuj saatha, love of hearts, first explain to me suffering thuum koune piya , who are you O God, yeh bhed thumhi aab kholo zara, now that I am captured by your hand only you can open this snare. Thuum koune piya, who are you beloved? Binn bolae jo thuum kehethae ho, what you say without speaking binn bolae hi vo sunnu mae, is the only language I choose to understand. Bhar kae thumko ein aankho mai my tear filled eyes khuch quaab nayae sae khulllu, will open in a new dream. Mae na aapna aap dikhaei dai, I will show myself jab dekhu khud ko darpan mae in front of these mirrors yae mai huun ya phir thumhi ho, is this me or is it you again man uljha hai eis uljhan mae, hearts in distress cry out mujhae aapnae rang mai rang liya, even though I long to bathe myself in ecstasy, mai rang liya thuum koune piya, I have taken vows on your behalf, thum koune piya you are my word G-d. Yae bhaed thumhi aab kholo zara, now it is your turn to remove human shackles thuum koune piya, who else are you other than a redeemer? Dhil sae hai jo yai yae dhil aapnae, from my heart to yours kehenae ko koi rishtha hi nahi, are you going to say that there was never any prior relationship? Eis pakizaah sae baandhan ko, caught in chains dhuniya mae koyi samjahi nahi, no one understood this state jaab ghaayone ke kohi thumkho tho dardh yahan dekho tho, when injury occurred afar, dhardh yahan bhi hotha, look at how I bleed, jaab ho thumhari yae aankhae jo dhil yae mera bhi rotha hai, and when I look at your eyes, my heart suffers and cries out in pain thumne bhi magar yae puuch liya, yet above all You keep me in your thoughts, thuum koune piya who are you Beloved? Yae bhed thumhi aab kholo zara , our release from sin and evil doings thuum koune piya…..you are this alone, God. The Beloved above every one.
Ovadya Yosef was an Iraqi- born Talmudic scholar Sephardi. Particularly among Mizrahi communities he was regarded as “the most important living halakhic authority.” Sephardi Chief Rabbi of Israel. Organisation Chief Rabbinate of Israel. Began 1973- Ended 1983. Predecessor Yitzhak Nissim. Successor Mordechai Eliyahu. Other Sephardi Chief Rabbi of Tel Aviv. Spiritual leader of the political party Shas. Born September 24, 1920. Yeshiva Semicha Rabbi Ben Zion Hai Uziel . Baghdad. October 7, 2013 (aged 93) Jerusalem. Buried Sanhedria Cemetery. Nationality Israeli. Denomination Sephardi Haredi Judaism. Residence Jerusalem. Parents Yaakov and Georgia Ovadia. Spouse Margalit Fattal. Children 11, including Yitzhak Yosef and Adina BarShalom. Occupation Author, Politician, Rabbi, Talmudic and וסףrecognized halakhic authority. Life and Times of Revered = י Rabbi Ovadya Yousef from 1973 to 1983
Jhoro jhoro borishae bari dhara hai potho bashi, hai gothi hinu, The rainfall will only last until it reaches the shores. Hai gothi hinu hai griho hara. What are those who depend on the starry heaven to guide their journey to do now? Phirae bayu, they cry, swiftly return black clouds that carry rain. Shorae phirae bayu, let thunder, lightning and rain sing with one voice again. Dakea karae, who are they in unison calling for? Jononino ashimo pranthorae, they plead for those whose shores are at the end of the world. Rojoni adhara and lightning lost, hai potho bashi hai gothi hinu hai griho hara adhira jomuna thorongo akula bokularae, the restless river Jamuna’s strong waters, thimiro dhokula shogonaei rae dhokularae, Unfortunately only the timid afraid that they will be forgotten, nibiro nirodho gogonae, look up at the empty skies, goro goro goro gorojae, and hear only the thunder that carry no songs of the rain falling. Choncholo chapula chamokae, the restless lightning nahi shoshi thara, do not have an answer, What are they who carry misfortune going to do now? Hai griho hara, having lost their way, what are the ones for whom the starry heavens carry no rain fall only empty clouds.
Peloponnesian War marked the dramatic end to the fifth century BC and the golden age of Greece.
The democratic city state of Athens, not. They kept slaves while practicing their “democracy.” Sparta kicked their ass and conquered Athens, leaving much of it in ruin. Spartans were no practicioners of democracy either as they ran their state according to strict oligarchic rules.
The First Peloponnesian War (460–445 BC) was fought between Sparta as the leaders of the Peloponnesian League and Sparta’s other allies, most notably Thebes, and the Delian League led by Athens with support from Argos. This war consisted of a series of conflicts and minor wars, such as the Second Sacred War. There were several causes for the war including the building of the Athenian long walls, Megara’s defection and the envy and concern felt by Sparta at the growth of the Athenian Empire.
The war began in 460 BC (Battle of Oenoe). At first the Athenians had the better of the fighting, winning the naval engagements using their superior fleet. They also had the better of the fighting on land, until 457 BC when the Spartans and their allies defeated the Athenian army at Tanagra. The Athenians, however, counterattacked and scored a crushing victory over the Boeotians at the Battle of Oenophyta and followed this victory up by conquering all of Boeotia except for Thebes.
Athens further consolidated their position by making Aegina a member of the Delian League and by ravaging the Peloponnese. The Athenians were defeated in 454 BC by the Persians in Egypt which caused them to enter into a five years’ truce with Sparta. However, the war flared up again in 448 BC with the start of the Second Sacred War. In 446 BC, Boeotia revolted and defeated the Athenians at Coronea and regained their independence.
The First Peloponnesian War ended in an arrangement between Sparta and Athens, which was ratified by the Thirty Years’ Peace (winter of 446–445 BC). According to the provisions of this peace treaty, both sides maintained the main parts of their empires. Athens continued its domination of the sea while Sparta dominated the land. Megara returned to the Peloponnesian League and Aegina became a tribute-paying but autonomous member of the Delian League. The war between the two leagues restarted in 431 BC and in 404 BC.
Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, 1513. “Since love and fear can hardly exist together, if we must choose between them, it is far safer to be feared than loved.” The great philosopher David Hume recognized that the opinions that support government receive their force from “other principles,” among which he includes fear, but these other principles are “the secondary, not the original principles of government.”
Raftha raftha woh meri hasthi ka saamaan ho gaye, Subtly and gradually, you became the reason for my existence. Pehlay jaan, phir jaan-e-jaan, phir jaan-e-jaana ho gaye. First my life, then the love of my life, finally our love became complete. Din-b-din bardthi gehin eis husn ki raaniyaan. Day by day, my love’s empire increased. Pehlay Gul, phir gul-badan, phir gul-badamaan ho gaye. First the love was like a fragrance after which it transformed into a flower then finally blossoming into a rose. Aap tho nazdeek say nazdeek-thar aathay gaye you kept coming closer and closer to me. And being close was enough for intimacy. Pehlay dil, phir dilruba, phir dil kay mehmaan ho gaye first my heart, then my precious love and finally a permanent guest in my heart. Raftha raftha woh meri hasti ka saamaan ho gaye. Subtly and gradually, God became my existence. Pyar jab Hadd se badha saare Taqaloof mitth gaye When love transcended its boundaries, all unknowing was erased. Aap se phir thum huay phir thu ka unwaan hogaye. First we were formal then informal and finally together as one.
There has to be a concomitant moral response to why people are driven to destroy one another. To do this here are some salient instructions to follow. Moral rights are a necessity and the way to begin this dialogue is with those whose dignities were violated beyond human recognition. It is a belief that moral human beings have to accept the values of those who survived the horrors of war as the standards of moral righteousness and therefore rights. Blasphemy against God are crimes and no one human being is blameless in this regard. The task lies now in identifying and removing that blasphemy as a means of resurrecting moral law. It is probably hubris to claim that victims of world war II, especially those who perished in labor camps both in Europe and in South Asia, the Jews and those under the rule of a deceitful dictatorship. Non-violent movements during that time is as good place as any to begin such a conversation. But these two events come up over and over again as crimes that are not acceptable. They are not forgivable and never will be because the incidents also were connected to the affairs of God in our lives. The Shoah is not something God accepted, and brutality as a means of living is also not what a loving God accepted. Therefore, the number one lesson that we must draw as moral is that one does not make victimhood a right to their personhood but rather a place of moral contestations. EVERYONE should be a part of this important appeal as it pertains to self-government demonstrated by MK Gandhi and by ambitious democracies in the world such as Israel. Proponents of terror such as ISIS and AlQeida are ruled by the same laws that govern Blasphemy in religion. Their blasphemous activities injure and remove the one on one relationship that human beings are ENTITLED to have with God. No one has the right to take this humanity away. Laws from important religious authorities such as the ones in Jerusalem will take being to take into account events and judge them accordingly. Thus, if one is a terrorist or is training to become one, they should know that the hand of justice is going to reach out to them and mete out concomitant punishment. The only relationship to law a human being has in our world is with free individuals. God is widely acknowledged as the chief advocate of liberty and thus of a different dimension of human freedom, moral liberty. We need God’s help to repair lives and the only way to accomplish is to obey his works. Licentious, predatory, incriminating and other murderous acts that plague our world today have to be accounted for. Both free and enslaved human beings if they espouse the validity of truth dejure establishes all laws, criminal, civil, moral, commercial and so and so forth. Such is the power of truth in action. It is then easy to remove corrupt and disgraced people, whether they are governments, politicians, terrorists, gangsters, law enforcement and every other kind of human being. Without God life is unlivable and this is a moral reality we all accept whether we are religious adherents or adherents of a greater power than ourselves. This is the ONLY way to curb human egotism, the culprit of all actions in this world and beyond.
Slavery rules our days. Respite, watch awesomely hilarious show on a popular song, by Sonny Leone, Sone Sone Patole Lakhaa Sone Sone lakhaa Baby Doll sonethi.
Why all civil revolutions have been non-violent. Satyagraha as standards of the rule of values. Values as ascertained from the Rabbinate of Yerushalayim.
How to end Evil’s labor and industry. Through the removal of genocide and its concomitant claims.
Slavery is an institution in which one human being claims ownership of another, usually for the purposes of the “economic enrichment” of the owner through the forced labor of the slave. Slavery has a long and ignoble history dating back to the earliest days of humanity.
But, as it is, we have the wolf by the ear, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other. Thomas Jefferson.
We reject slavery as a rule of law. MK Gandhi‘s prediction.
Speech at the Prayer Meeting on 4th January 1948
“Today there is talk of war everywhere. Everyone fears a war breaking out between the two countries. If that happens it will be a calamity both for India and for Pakistan. India has written to the U.N. because whenever there is a fear of conflict anywhere the U.N. is asked to promote a settlement and to stop fighting from breaking out. India therefore wrote to the U. N. O. however trivial the issue may appear to be, it could lead to a war between the two countries. It is a long memorandum and it has been cabled. Pakistan’s leaders Zafrullah Khan and Liaquat Ali Khan have since issued long statements. I would take leave to say that their argument does not appeal to me. You may ask if I approve of the Union Government approaching the UNO I may say that I both approve and do not approve of what they did. I approve of it, because after all what else are they to do? They are convinced that what they are doing is right. If there are raids from outside the frontier of Kashmir, the obvious conclusion is that it must be with the connivance of Pakistan. Pakistan can deny it. But the denial does not settle the matter. Kashmir has acceded the accession upon certain conditions. If Pakistan harasses Kashmir and if Sheikh Abdullah who is the leader of Kashmir asks the Indian Union for help, the latter is bound to send help. Such help therefore was sent to Kashmir. At the same time Pakistan is being requested to get out of Kashmir and to arrive at a settlement with India over the question through bilateral negotiations. If no settlement can be reached in this way then a war is inevitable. It is to avoid the possibility of war that the Union Government has taken the step it did. Whether they are right in doing so or not God alone knows. Whatever might have been the attitude of Pakistan, if I had my way I would have invited Pakistan’s representatives to India and we could have met, discussed the matter and worked out some settlement. They keep saying that they want an amicable settlement but they do nothing to create the conditions for such a settlement. I shall therefore humbly say to the responsible leaders of Pakistan that though we are now two countries – which is a thing I never wanted – we should at least try to arrive at an agreement so that we could live as peaceful neighbors. Let us grant for the sake of argument that all Indians are bad, but Pakistan at least is a new-born nation which has more ever come into being in the name of religion and it should at least keep itself clean. But they themselves make no such claim. It is not their argument that Muslims have committed no atrocities in Pakistan. I shall therefore suggest that it is now their duty, as far as possible, to arrive at an amicable understanding with India and live in harmony with her. Mistakes were made on both sides. Of this I have no doubt. But this does not mean that we should persist in those mistakes, for then in the end we shall only destroy ourselves in a war and the whole of the sub-continent will pass into the hands of some third power. That will be the worst imaginable fate for us. I shudder to think of it. Therefore the two Dominions should come together with God as witness and find a settlement. The matter is now before the UNO. It cannot be withdrawn from there. But if India and Pakistan come to a settlement the big powers in the UNO will have to endorse that settlement. They will not object to the settlement. They themselves can only say that they will do their best to see that the two countries arrive at an understanding through mutual discussions. Let us pray to God is to grant that we may either learn to live in amity with each other or if we must light to let us fight to the very end. That may be folly but sooner or later it will purify us.”
Go to this site, Beyond Religion: Ethics for a Whole World (2011). Author, His Holiness, The Dalai Lama of Tibet.
“Our men are fighting the government for the sake of truth. We must encourage them in this fight. We must bear bravely whatever harassment the government may subject us to…The boycott of alcohol and foreign clothes is a task women have to do. Men are not blessed with the kind of common sense we have, for we understand the language of sorrow better than men.”
Satyagraha Truth’s journeys.
“Non-violence is a matchless weapon, which can help everyone. I know we have not done much by way of non-violence and therefore, if such changes come about, I will take it that it is the result of our labors during the last twenty-two years and that God has helped us achieve it… I want you to adopt non-violence as a matter of policy. With me it is a creed, but so far as you are concerned I want you to accept it as policy. As disciplined soldiers you must accept it in toto, and stick to it when you join the struggle.”
Mon mor megher shongi, The peacock that is my heart is a friend like the cloud. Ure chale dhigdhigantherra pane. It wanders to all the corners of the world. Nisheemo shunaeye, and in the dark universe shrabonobarshanesangite brings with it the season of the sraban month and with it the pitter patter sound of rain. Rimijhim rimijhim rimijhim. Mono mor hanshabalakar pakhai jai ure, My heart thus transformed into a swan has now taken flight. Kochito kochito chokito thorito-aloke. Lightning covering heaven and earth. Jhanmanjarir bajai jhanjha rudra anade. My heart sings and melts the broken hearted. Kalo-kalo kalomandre nirjharinee. Black hearts weep for redemption, Dak dey praloy-ahwabhane. That is what time demands Bayu bahe purbasamudra hothae See the winds shake oceans, Uchchalo chalo-chalo tatinitarange waves leaping hither and thither. Mono mor dhai thari matho prabahe, My heart is full and wants to share its riches with the world. Taal-tamalo-araneya, With tender renditions, Khuddha shakhar andolone speaks of Almighty God’s rule universally.
Cui dono lepidum novum labellum, To whom do I dedicate this new, charming little book, Arida modo pumice expolitum, just now polished with a dry pumice stone? Corneli tibi namque tu solebas, To you, Cornelius, for you were accustomed, meas esse aliquid putare nugas, to think that my nonsense was something, iam tum cum ausus es unus Italorum, then already when you alone of Italians, omne aevum tribus explicare cartis, dared to unfold every age in three papyrus rolls, doctis Iuppiter et laboriosis, learned, Jupiter, and full of labor. Quare habe tibi quidquid hoc libelli, Therefore, have for yourself whatever this is of a little book, ualecumque quod o patrona virgo of whatever sort; which, O patron maiden, plus uno maneat perenne saeclo, may it remain everlasting, more than one lifetime.
Go to a site that is profuse with Bloch’s reading, here at http://shifter-magazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Bloch-Principle-of-Hope.pdf “The World in which utopian imagination has a correlate, real possibility, the categories front, novum ultimum and the horizon.”
When sin is taken to be human property not divine retribution–Jerusalem’s commentary on values. What it will take to be a giver of laws instead of a follower. More revealed as time progresses in human memory NOT in divine inclinations. Forget redemption. Strive instead for complete submission to the nature of divinity wherever you perceive it to be.
Jalshaghar, music room, India.
Jalada boondana barasae, The drop of water as rain piya bina ko jiyara tharasae, is like the beloved for whom souls thirst yuun yuun avath morae badariya, the clouds scattered in their journey morae ankhiyan barasae are like tear drops falling from our eyes. pa ni…ga ma re re sa…
In 2008, The President’s Council on Bioethics tried to arrive at a consensus about what dignity meant but failed. Edmund D. Pellegrino, M.D., the Council’s Chairman, says in the Letter of Transmittal to the President of The United States, “… there is no universal agreement on the meaning of the term, human dignity.”
Moral, ethical, legal, and political discussions use the concept of dignity to express the idea that a being has an innate right to be valued, respected, and to receive ethical treatment. In the modern context dignity can function as an extension of the Enlightenment-era concepts of inherent, inalienable rights. English-speakers often use the word “dignity” in proscriptive and cautionary ways: for example, in politics it can be used to critique the treatment of oppressed and vulnerable groups and peoples, but it has also been applied to cultures and sub-cultures, to religious beliefs and ideals, to animals used for food or research, and to plants. “Dignity” also has descriptive meanings pertaining to human worth. In general, the term has various functions and meanings depending on how the term is used and on the context. Wikipedia.
Dear Mr. Gandhi: What you have said recently about the Jews is the one statement I have yet seen which needs to be grappled with fundamentally. Your statement is a challenge, particularly to those of us who have imagined ourselves your disciples. I am sure you must be right in asserting that the Jews of Germany can offer Satyagraha to the “godless fury of their dehumanised oppressors.” But how and when? You do not give the answer. You may say that you are not sufficiently acquainted with the German persecution to outline the practical technique of Satyagraha for use by the German Jews. But one of the great things about you and your doctrine has been that you have always emphasised the chance of practical success if Satyagraha be offered. Yet to the German Jews you have not given the practical advice which only your unique experience could offer, and I wonder if it is helpful merely in general terms to call upon the Jews of Germany to offer Satyagraha. I have heard that many a Jew of Germany has asked himself how and when Satyagraha must be offered, without finding the answer. Conditions in Germany are radically different from those that have prevailed in South Africa and in India. Those of us who are outside Germany must, I submit, think through most carefully the advice we proffer the unfortunates who are caught in the claws of the Hitler beast. If you take the sentences of your statement as to what you would do were you a German Jew, you will find, I believe, that not only one German Jew, as you require, has had “courage and vision”, but many whose names are known and many more who have borne witness to their faith without their names being known. “I would claim Germany as my home”. There has never been a community more passionately attached to its home than the German Jews to Germany. The thousands of exiles now to be found everywhere are so thoroughly German mentally, psychologically, in their speech, manners, prejudices, their outlook, that we wonder how many generations it may take before this is uprooted. The history of the Jews in Germany goes back to at least Roman times and though the Jews throughout their history there have been massacred and driven out on diverse occasions, one thing or the other has always brought them back there. “I would challenge him to shoot me or to cast me into the dungeon”. Many Jews – hundreds, thousands – have been shot. Hundreds, thousands have been cast into the dungeon. What more can Satyagraha give them? I ask this question in humility, for I am sure that you can give a constructive answer. “I would not wait for fellow Jews to join me in civil resistance, but would have confidence that in the end the rest are bound to follow my example”. But the question is how can Jews in Germany offer civil resistance? The slightest sign of resistance means killing or concentration camps or being done away with otherwise. It is usually in the dead of night that they are spirited away. No one, except their terrified families, is the wiser. It makes not even a ripple on the surface of German life. The streets are the same, business goes on as usual, the casual visitor sees nothing. Contrast this with a single hunger strike in an American or English prison, and the public commotion that this arouses. Contrast this with one of your fasts, or with your salt march to the sea, or a visit to the Viceroy, when the whole world is permitted to hang upon your words and be witness to your acts. Has not this been possible largely because, despite all the excesses of its imperialism, England is after all a democracy with a Parliament and a considerable measure of free speech? I wonder if even you would find the way to public opinion in totalitarian Germany, where life is snuffed out like a candle, and no one sees or knows that the light is out. “If one Jew or all the Jews were to accept the prescriptions here offered, he or they cannot be worse off than now”. Surely you do not mean that those Jews who are able to get out of Germany are as badly off as those who must remain? You call attention to the unbelievable ferocity visited upon all the Jews because of the crime of “one obviously mad but intrepid youth”. But the attempt at civil resistance on the part of even one Jew in Germany, let alone the community, would be regarded as an infinitely greater crime and would probably be followed by a repetition of this unbelievable ferocity, or worse. “And suffering voluntarily undergone will bring them an inner strength and joy”. I wonder that no one has drawn your attention to the fact that those German Jews who are faithful to Judaism – and they are the majority – have in large measure the inner strength and joy that comes from suffering for their ideals. It is those unfortunate “non-Aryans”, who have a trace of Jewish blood but who have been brought up as German Christians, who are most to be pitied. They are made to suffer, and they do not know why. Many of them have been raised to despise Jews and Judaism, and now this despised people, this scorned religion is, in their eyes, the cause of their suffering. What a tragedy for them. But as to the Jews – I do not know if there is a deeper and more widespread history of martyrdom. You can read the story of it in any Jewish history book, or, if you wish a convenient account, in the Jewish Encyclopedia published in New York a generation ago. To take Germany alone, you may be interested in one document that has come down to us from the middle ages. It is called the Memorbuch of Nuernberg – Nuernberg of the Nuernberg laws, whose synagogue has just been torn down and a 15th century covering of a Scroll of the Law stolen and presented recently to the city’s arch-fiend. The Memorbuch gives a list of the places where massacres took place in Germany during the Crusades from 1096 to 1298. There are some fifty of these massacres entered chronologically. There is a further entry of some 65 large pages containing dates and places with the names of those martyred from 1096 to 1349. Take what happened in this very Nuernberg on Friday the 22nd of Ab 5058 of the Jewish calendar, the 1st August 1298 of the Christian calendar. We find the names of 628 men, women and children, whole families, old and young, strong and sick, rabbis and scholars, rich and poor, slaughtered on that day – burned, drowned, put to the sword, strangled, broken on the wheel and on the rack. In some places the elders killed the young, and then put an end to their own lives. In Spain and Portugal where Jews were given the chance of conversion to Christianity, what usually happened in a stricken town was, that about a third converted, and a third succeeded in escaping, and always at least a third accepted their agony with the praise of God and his Unity on their lips. Our Hebrew literature is in many ways a literature of martyrdom. Our Talmud, which covers a period of about 1000 years, is a literature that grew up in large measure under oppression, exile and martyrdom, and it contains discussions, traditions and rules bearing upon our duty to accept martyrdom rather than yield to “idolatry, immorality, or the spilling of blood”. The Hebrew liturgy throbs with elegies in which poets and teachers commemorate the martyrs of one generation after another. If ever a people was a people of non-violence through century after century, it was the Jews. I think they need learn but little from anyone in faithfulness to their God and in their readiness to suffer while they sanctify His Name. What is new and great about you has seemed to me this, that you have exalted non-violence into the dominant principle of all of life, both religious, social and political, and that you have made it into a practical technique both of communing with the Divine and of battling for a newer world of justice and mercy and of respect for the human personality of even the most insignificant outcast. What you could give to help the Jew add to his precious contribution to mankind, “the surpassing contribution of non-violent action”, is not as much the exhortation to suffer voluntarily, as the practical technique of Satyagraha. You would have the right to say that some Jew should do this. But we have no one comparable to you as religious and political leader. There are, as I am aware, other elements besides non-violence in Satyagraha. There is non-cooperation, and the renunciation of property, and the disdain of death. The Jews are a people who exalt life, and they can hardly be said to disdain death. Lev. 18, 5 says: “my judgements which if a man do he shall live in them”, and the interpretation adds as a principle of Jewish life “and not die through them”. For this reason I have often wondered if we are fit subjects for Satyagraha. And as to property, it is but natural that Jews should want to take along with them a minimum of their property from Germany or elsewhere so as not to fall a burden upon others. It would, I am sure, give you satisfaction to see how large numbers of refugees, who in Germany were used to wealth, comfort, culture, have without too much complaint and very often cheerfully buckled down to a new life in Palestine and elsewhere, many of them in the fields or in menial employment in the cities. It is in the matter of non-cooperation that I have a question of importance to put to you. A plan is being worked out between the Evian Refugee Committee and the German Government which appears to be nothing short of devilish. The details are not yet known. But it seems to amount to this: The German Government is to confiscate all German Jewish property and in exchange for increased foreign trade and foreign currency they will permit a limited number of Jews to leave Germany annually for the next several years. The scheme involves the sale of millions of pounds of debentures to be issued by a Refugee or Emigration Bank that is to be created. Whether Governments are to subscribe to these debentures, I do not know. But certainly the whole Jewish world will be called upon to do so. Here is the dilemma: If one does not subscribe, no Jews will be able to escape from this prison of torture called Germany. If one does subscribe one will be cooperating with that Government, and be dealing in Jewish flesh and blood in a most modern and up-to-date slave market. I see before me here in Jerusalem a child who is happy now that he is away from the torment there, and his brother, or parent, or grandparent. One of the oldest of Jewish sayings is: “Who saves a single soul in Israel is as if he had saved a whole world”. Not to save a living soul? And yet to cooperate with the powers of evil and darkness? Have you an answer? You touch upon a vital phase of the whole subject when you say that “if there ever could be a justifiable war in the name of and for humanity, a war against Germany, to prevent the wanton persecution of a whole race, would be completely justified. But I do not believe in any war. A discussion of the pros and cons of such a war is therefore outside my horizon and province.” But it is on “the pros and cons of such a war” that I would ask your guidance. The question gives me no rest, and I am sure there are many like myself. Like you I do not believe in any war. I have pledged myself never to take part in a war. I spoke up for pacifism in America during the world war alongside of many whose names are known to you. That war brought the “peace” of Versailles and the Hitlerism of today. But my pacifism, as I imagine the pacifism of many others, is passing through a pitiless crisis. I ask myself: Suppose America, England, France are dragged into a war with the Hitler bestiality, what am I to do and what am I to teach? This war may destroy a large part of the life of the youth of the world and force those who remain alive to lead the lives of savages. Yet I know I would pray with all my heart for the defeat of the Hitler inhumanity; and am I then to stand aside and let others do the fighting? During the last war I prayed for a peace without defeat or victory. The answer given by Romain Rolland in his little book Par la revolution la paix (1935), seems to be, that while he himself as an individual continues to refuse to bear arms, he will do everything he can to help his side (in this case, Russia) to win the war. That is hardly a satisfying answer. I ask myself how I might feel if I were not a Jew. Is the Hitler iniquity really as profound as I imagine? I recall that during the last war the arguments against Germany were much the same as these of today. I took no stock in those arguments then. Perhaps it is the torture of my own people that enrages me unduly? Yet it is my conviction that, being a Jew, my sense of outrage at injustice may, perhaps, be a bit more alive than the average and therefore more aware of the evils that the Hitler frenzy is bringing upon all mankind. The Jew, scattered as he is, is an outpost, bearing the brunt earlier of an action against mankind, and bearing it longest. For a dozen reasons he is a convenient scapegoat. I say this in order to make the point that if the Jew is thoroughly aroused about an evil such as the Hitler madness, his excitement and indignation are apt to be based not only on personal hurt but on a more or less authentic appraisal of the evil that must be met. If you will take the trouble of looking at the little pamphlet I am sending, Fellowship in War (1936), you will see that I have an ineradicable belief that no war whatsoever can be a righteous war. The war tomorrow for the “democracies” or for some other noble slogan will be just as unrighteous or as fatuous as was the “war to save democracy” yesterday. Moreover, to carry on the war the democracies will perforce become totalitarian. Not even a war against the ghastly Hitler savagery can be called righteous, for we all of us have sinned, conquerors and conquered alike, and it is because of our sins, because of our lack of generosity and the spirit of conciliation and renunciation, that the Hitler beast has been enabled to raise its head. Even on the pages of the Nuernberg Memorbuch we find the words “Because of our many sins” this and that massacre took place. There can be no war for something good. That is a contradiction in terms. The good is to be achieved through totally different means. But a war against something evil? If the Hitler cruelty launches a war against you, what would you do, what will you do? Can you refrain from making a choice? It is a choice of evils – a choice between the capitalisms, the imperialisms, the militarisms of the western democracies and between the Hitler religion. Can one hesitate as to which is the lesser of these two evils? Is not a choice therefore imperative? I am all too painfully conscious that I am beginning to admit that if Hitler hurls his war upon us we must resist. For us it would thus become, not a righteous war, nor, to use your term, a justifiable war, but a necessary war, not for something good, but, because no other choice is left us, against the greater evil. Or do you know of some other choice? http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/MagnesGandhi.html
Gandhi & Zionism: Table of Contents | ‘No Apology’ | ‘Palestine Questions.’
My sympathies are all with the Jews. I have known them intimately in South Africa. Some of them became life-long companions. Through these friends I came to learn much of their age-long persecution. They have been the untouchables of Christianity. The parallel between their treatment by Christians and the treatment of untouchables by Hindus is very close. Religious sanction has been invoked in both cases for the justification of the inhuman treatment meted out to them. Apart from the friendships, therefore, there is the more common universal reason for my sympathy for the Jews.Several letters have been received by me asking me to declare my views about the Arab-Jew question in Palestine and the persecution of the Jews in Germany. It is not without hesitation that I venture to offer my views on this very difficult question.
But my sympathy does not blind me to the requirements of justice. The cry for the national home for the Jews does not make much appeal to me. The sanction for it is sought in the Bible and the tenacity with which the Jews have hankered after return to Palestine. Why should they not, like other peoples of the earth, make that country their home where they are born and where they earn their livelihood?
Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French. It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs. What is going on in Palestine today cannot be justified by any moral code of conduct. The mandates have no sanction but that of the last war. Surely it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the proud Arabs so that Palestine can be restored to the Jews partly or wholly as their national home.
The nobler course would be to insist on a just treatment of the Jews wherever they are born and bred. The Jews born in France are French. If the Jews have no home but Palestine, will they relish the idea of being forced to leave the other parts of the world in which they are settled? Or do they want a double home where they can remain at will? This cry for the national home affords a colourable justification for the German expulsion of the Jews.
But the German persecution of the Jews seems to have no parallel in history. The tyrants of old never went so mad as Hitler seems to have gone. And he is doing it with religious zeal. For he is propounding a new religion of exclusive and militant nationalism in the name of which any inhumanity becomes an act of humanity to be rewarded here and hereafter. The crime of an obviously mad but intrepid youth is being visited upon his whole race with unbelievable ferocity. If there ever could be a justifiable war in the name of and for humanity, a war against Germany, to prevent the wanton persecution of a whole race, would be completely justified.
But I do not believe in any war. A discussion of the pros and cons of such a war is therefore outside my horizon or province.But if there can be no war against Germany, even for such a crime as is being committed against the Jews, surely there can be no alliance with Germany. How can there be alliance between a nation which claims to stand for justice and democracy and one which is the declared enemy of both? Or is England drifting towards armed dictatorship and all it means?
Germany is showing to the world how efficiently violence can be worked when it is not hampered by any hypocrisy or weakness masquerading as humanitarianism. It is also showing how hideous, terrible and terrifying it looks in its nakedness.
Can the Jews resist this organised and shameless persecution? Is there a way to preserve their self-respect, and not to feel helpless, neglected and forlorn? I submit there is. No person who has faith in a living God need feel helpless or forlorn. Jehovah of the Jews is a God more personal than the God of the Christians, the Mussalmans or the Hindus, though as a matter of fact in essence, He is common to all and one without a second and beyond description. But as the Jews attribute personality to God and believe that He rules every action of theirs, they ought not to feel helpless. If I were a Jew and were born in Germany and earned my livelihood there, I would claim Germany as my home even as the tallest gentile German may, and challenge him to shoot me or cast me in the dungeon; I would refuse to be expelled or to submit to discriminating treatment. And for doing this, I should not wait for the fellow Jews to join me in civil resistance but would have confidence that in the end the rest are bound to follow my example. If one Jew or all the Jews were to accept the prescription here offered, he or they cannot be worse off than now. And suffering voluntarily undergone will bring them an inner strength and joy which no number of resolutions of sympathy passed in the world outside Germany can. Indeed, even if Britain, France and America were to declare hostilities against Germany, they can bring no inner joy, no inner strength. The calculated violence of Hitler may even result in a general massacre of the Jews by way of his first answer to the declaration of such hostilities. But if the Jewish mind could be prepared for voluntary suffering, even the massacre I have imagined could be turned into a day of thanksgiving and joy that Jehovah had wrought deliverance of the race even at the hands of the tyrant. For to the godfearing, death has no terror. It is a joyful sleep to be followed by a waking that would be all the more refreshing for the long sleep.
It is hardly necessary for me to point out that it is easier for the Jews than for the Czechs to follow my prescription. And they have in the Indian satyagraha campaign in South Africa an exact parallel. There the Indians occupied precisely the same place that the Jews occupy in Germany. The persecution had also a religious tinge. President Kruger used to say that the white Christians were the chosen of God and Indians were inferior beings created to serve the whites. A fundamental clause in the Transvaal constitution was that there should be no equality between the whites and coloured races including Asiatics. There too the Indians were consigned to ghettos described as locations. The other disabilities were almost of the same type as those of the Jews in Germany. The Indians, a mere handful, resorted to satyagraha without any backing from the world outside or the Indian Government. Indeed the British officials tried to dissuade the satyagrahis is from their contemplated step. World opinion and the Indian Government came to their aid after eight years of fighting. And that too was by way of diplomatic pressure not of a threat of war.
But the Jews of Germany can offer satyagraha under infinitely better auspices than the Indians of South Africa. The Jews are a compact, homogeneous community in Germany. They are far more gifted than the Indians of South Africa. And they have organised world opinion behind them. I am convinced that if someone with courage and vision can arise among them to lead them in non-violent action, the winter of their despair can in the twinkling of an eye be turned into the summer of hope. And what has today become a degrading man-hunt can be turned into a calm and determined stand offered by unarmed men and women possessing the strength of suffering given to them by Jehovah. It will be then a truly religious resistance offered against the godless fury of dehumanised man. The German Jews will score a lasting victory over the German gentiles in the sense that they will have converted the latter to an appreciation of human dignity. They will have rendered service to fellow-Germans and proved their title to be the real Germans as against those who are today dragging, however unknowingly, the German name into the mire.
And now a word to the Jews in Palestine. I have no doubt that they are going about it in the wrong way. The Palestine of the Biblical conception is not a geographical tract. It is in their hearts. But if they must look to the Palestine of geography as their national home, it is wrong to enter it under the shadow of the British gun. A religious act cannot be performed with the aid of the bayonet or the bomb. They can settle in Palestine only by the goodwill of the Arabs. They should seek to convert the Arab heart. The same God rules the Arab heart who rules the Jewish heart. They can offer satyagraha in front of the Arabs and offer themselves to be shot or thrown into the Dead Sea without raising a little finger against them. They will find the world opinion in their favour in their religious aspiration. There are hundreds of ways of reasoning with the Arabs, if they will only discard the help of the British bayonet. As it is, they are co-shares with the British in despoiling a people who have done no wrong to them.
I am not defending the Arab excesses. I wish they had chosen the way of non-violence in resisting what they rightly regarded as an unwarrantable encroachment upon their country. But according to the accepted canons of right and wrong, nothing can be said against the Arab resistance in the face of overwhelming odds.
Let the Jews who claim to be the chosen race prove their title by choosing the way of non-violence for vindicating their position on earth. Every country is their home including Palestine not by aggression but by loving service. A Jewish friend has sent me a book called The Jewish Contribution to Civilisation by Cecil Roth. It gives a record of what the Jews have done to enrich the world`s literature, art, music, drama, science, medicine, agriculture, etc. Given the will, the Jew can refuse to be treated as the outcaste of the West, to be despised or patronised. He can command the attention and respect of the world by being man, the chosen creation of God, instead of being man who is fast sinking to the brute and forsaken by God. They can add to their many contributions the surpassing contribution of non-violent action.
Segaon, November 20, 1938